Andreas Kimitris
“Either we turn the page or we remain hostage to the past,” George Pamboridis tells Kathimerini, setting out what he believes is at stake in the race for the Democratic Rally (DISY) nomination for the 2028 presidential election.
He argues that Averof Neofytou’s candidacy reopens the divisions of 2023 and strengthens President Nikos Christodoulides, while his own candidacy could unite DISY and give the party a way forward. He says the events of the past month have left a stain that will remain until adequate explanations are given. He also says there can be no doubt that Neofytou engaged in political blackmail and that Annita Demetriou’s political decisions will be judged by their outcome.
Why should DISY members put their trust in you over Averof Neofytou as the party’s presidential candidate?
We represent two completely different political philosophies. I believe in a modern approach that sees the center-right as offering an effective answer to the problems facing societies across Europe. Averof Neofytou was shaped by an older style of politics that sees tactics and dealmaking as the way to get things done.
Is that your political manifesto?
I believe in a center-right that is radical, modernizing, and open to renewal. It is rooted in a free economy and private enterprise, with social progress and people’s well-being at its heart. Reform is how we get there.
Beyond political philosophy, where do you differ on policy?
Our records show the differences. On the Cyprus issue, I backed the “no” vote on the Annan Plan and took a stand against the entire party leadership. On the economy, I believe in growth that benefits society. I oppose an unfettered free market and the pursuit of private enterprise at any cost. I fought with everything I had for the General Healthcare System, known as GeSY, with the entire establishment against me. I was also disappointed by his recent proposal to lift energy sanctions on Russia, although I understand that mistakes are made during election campaigns.
Even the scenes when you submitted your signatures and formally filed your candidacies seemed to show two different political worlds.
My approach to politics is different in style and culture. I don’t think putting on a show or treating politics like a spectator sport does society any good. People see through that now. They want sincerity.
Why did you put so much emphasis on the integrity of the vote?
Because I felt I had to make clear that I would tolerate nothing, however small, that might cast doubt on the result.
Anyone seeking the DISY nomination is ultimately aiming to become president of the Republic. What is your vision for Cyprus?
I want to lead an effective center-right government along the lines I described. It would give people the tools to get ahead and spare them from having to beg for assistance. The people are the ultimate bosses, and every government has a duty to serve them.
Beyond that, there are two kinds of issues. There are the big questions of state, such as the Cyprus issue, international relations, economic performance, constitutional order and security, and the fight against corruption. Politicians have a duty to deal with those issues. They also have to keep sight of what affects people every day, from traffic and the cost of living to housing, energy and, of course, education and the reliance on private tutoring.
The next government needs to focus on the problems that leave people feeling stuck and give them a way forward while keeping the country on course. That’s why Cyprus needs a change of government.
Has the Christodoulides government fallen short on those issues?
I think the Christodoulides government approaches these issues like bureaucrats managing a brief, with no vision or strategy. That approach cannot give the country the far-reaching reforms it needs.
Is President Christodoulides DISY’s main opponent in the election, then?
DISY is its own worst enemy in the presidential election, and that inevitably brings the main players from 2023 into the equation.
What about AKEL, DISY’s traditional ideological rival?
AKEL remains our ideological rival. But we have to get out of our own way before we can afford the luxury of an ideological contest.
What do you make of Anastasiades’ proposal to reach an understanding with Mr. Christodoulides now so that whoever fails to make the runoff backs the other?
DISY can’t afford to go out in the first round again. We don’t even know whether Mr. Christodoulides will run or, if he does, whether he would want such an arrangement. I think we should wait and see how things develop.
Can opposition to AKEL be a political position in itself for DISY, as some have argued from time to time?
I’ve never shared that view. DISY and AKEL are two parties “condemned” to work together on major national issues for the good of society. The Cyprus issue is one example. DISY showed with GeSY that it can put ideology aside.
How do you respond to DISY members who are suspicious of the contacts you had, including with AKEL, about a possible presidential run in 2023?
DIKO approached me as a DISY member to see whether I’d be interested in running as a candidate backed by a coalition of four parties, without representing any one party. It became clear very early on that the parties couldn’t find common ground. I think DISY members know who I am and know that I stand by my principles.
If you win the DISY nomination, which parties could you work with to win the presidential election?
I think I can reach out to DIKO and the political center, as well as to people who moved to the right of DISY because they became disillusioned with the party.
You mentioned individuals. Could you work with ELAM?
Frankly, I feel uncomfortable discussing this. I believe ELAM, which grew out of Golden Dawn, espouses principles outside the democratic mainstream and far removed from my own political outlook. At the same time, I have no problem working with ELAM lawmakers in Parliament to find solutions to problems. But there’s a moral question that weighs on me and keeps me from considering a political alliance. If we were talking about a national unity government, for example, as part of an effort to resolve the Cyprus issue, then perhaps it would be possible.
How do you respond to those who say a former health minister’s success in introducing GeSY doesn’t automatically prove he can govern the country?
I agree. You need political judgment and a thorough understanding of how the economy and society work. You also need the vision to decide where you want to go and a plan for getting there. GeSY is an example of what I can do, and people can judge me on it.
“I’m here to unite the party, not to blackmail anyone”
Recent events have once again exposed DISY’s internal divisions and personal rivalries. How can the party go into a presidential election united?
It won’t be easy, especially if the people who were front and center in 2023 stay there. DISY voters gave us more time at the parliamentary elections. We should have used it to draw up a program for government and persuade people to trust us again. Instead, we got caught up in our own divisions.
The wounds of 2023 never healed, and the party leadership bears responsibility for that because it chose to sweep the problems under the rug. If we replay 2023 with the same people in the lead roles, why should we expect a different result? I say this with respect. Averof Neofytou’s candidacy revives the divisions of 2023 and strengthens Christodoulides. I believe mine can unite DISY and give the party a way forward. Either we turn the page or we remain hostage to the past.
What do you make of Harris Georgiades’ announcement that he won’t take part in the campaign if Averof Neofytou wins the nomination?
I understand that on some crucial political questions, you can’t force people to fall in line. You can respect the outcome of a democratic process and still have a point of principle that a vote can’t settle. These are matters of conscience. That’s exactly what happened with the Annan Plan in 2004. There were decisions taken collectively and democratically then, too, but in the end, conscience and principle prevailed.
When the candidates filed their papers at DISY headquarters on Pindarou Street, people remarked on the absence of Annita Demetriou and the rest of the leadership. Does that help unite the party or deepen its divisions?
It would have been better if the party president and the other members of the leadership had been there.
Given how Annita Demetriou withdrew from the race, can she stay on as party president and lead DISY’s presidential campaign, or should the party hold an election for a new leadership? She says she acted in the interests of party unity. Others, including you, say Averof Neofytou engaged in political blackmail by keeping open the possibility of an independent run.
The political blackmail was obvious and cannot be disputed. I’m here to unite the party, not to blackmail anyone. Beyond that, the party president’s political decisions will be judged by the outcome. If DISY wins the presidential election in 2028, Annita Demetriou’s decision will be vindicated.
Why wait to judge her when there are specific facts to consider now? Was the DISY president asked why she attended that much-discussed dinner at the fish tavern and what did or didn’t happen there? Did she give adequate answers? And if the DISY president is vulnerable to political blackmail, can she stay in her post? Is that how the leader of DISY is supposed to operate?
What happened over the past month has left a stain that won’t go away until we get adequate explanations. Events have overtaken us. I think this issue, along with everything that has happened since 2022, needs to be discussed openly at a party congress.
Given what happened, did you go a little too far in the statement you made after Annita Demetriou withdrew?
I think people understand that it was a human gesture of support for a young woman who was being subjected to political blackmail. I also wanted to make clear that, under the circumstances, stepping aside was a difficult political decision for Annita Demetriou.
