Opinion
By Irfan Siddiq*
I depart Cyprus after a little over two years as the British High Commissioner. What are my main reflections?
First, Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has had a major impact on the Republic of Cyprus. It has led to a strategic shift away from the traditional “balanced” policy between the West and Russia, towards an unequivocal Western orientation. This has allowed for both a major reduction in Russian money and influence in Cyprus and a significant deepening of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic partners. This has helped deliver important progress in tackling illicit finance, disinformation and the other tools Russia uses to undermine Western democracies.
Second, the shift away from Russia has created an opening for deeper security cooperation with Western partners. The RoC’s new security partnership with the USA has been well documented. But the development of the UK’s own security partnership with the Republic of Cyprus has also blossomed and it is an area we are seeking to develop even further. This is essential, not just as this support provides assurances that the move away from Russia has not left Cyprus weaker, but particularly given the regional context of dramatically heightened instability.
Third, real stability won’t come to Cyprus until the Cyprus Problem is resolved. My time has seen one more push led by the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General, Maria Angela Holguin Cuellar. The fact that this has not yet succeeded has not been down to any lack of insight or creativity on her part. Rather it is the result of a continuing lack of real flexibility from either party. We are in a stalemate, with one side insisting on the application of the agreed international framework as the basis for progress and the other side rejecting it, claiming that it no longer consents to this framework. This stalemate will not be broken if both sides simply insist on their fixed and opposing positions. The demands set by the Turkish Cypriot leadership around the 3 Ds (Direct Flights, Direct Trade, and Direct Contact) are not acceptable to the Greek Cypriot leadership as pre-conditions for a resumption of negotiations. No party in a negotiation willingly makes substantive concessions just to advance the process. But these should still be issues on which discussions can begin. After all, they are the same issues that former President Anastasiades himself made proposals on as part of his package of Confidence Building Measures in 2022. Using the momentum built by the recent informal trilateral dinner hosted by the UN Secretary-General to make meaningful progress on some serious Confidence Building Measures would be a good way to break the deadlock and move closer to agreement on the framework for settlement.
But these are for now still only issues of tactical bargaining. The bigger, strategic picture is that after 50 or 60 years of division (depending on your perspective), the island is de facto becoming partitioned. The longer this partition persists, the harder it will become to reverse. This analysis is understood and even articulated by many leaders. But the implications do not lead to corresponding action. If we are nearing the end of the road for unification, then there should be much more urgency and creativity in efforts to change course. But up until now, the dominant, tired ideological approaches prevail, and fear of criticism means little deviation from them. The costs of taking any significant initiative are always priced into calculations. But the opportunity costs of failing to act rarely are. Human nature is such that it is easier to imagine the pain of losing what you already have than it is to imagine the potentially greater benefits that you don’t yet enjoy. Unless this mindset changes, I fear we will see no progress.
Bilaterally, UK-Cyprus relations have improved. We have long had strong people-to-people links, through our diasporas, tourism, business and education links. However, our cooperation in responding to recent regional crises - the evacuation of civilians from Sudan, Israel and Lebanon and our joint work to operationalize the Gaza Humanitarian Maritime Corridor - has triggered an even stronger and more collaborative political relationship. But the love-hate dynamic that characterizes Cypriot views of the UK persists. This won’t change unless we collectively and mutually address some of the historical trauma that came out of the 1955-1959 period. But the subject is sensitive and requires a degree of self-reflection and self-criticism from both sides, which has, to date, been absent. It is one of my regrets that we haven’t been able to address this issue more directly during my time.
My other major regret is in not finding a solution to the problem of Cypriot students being charged “foreign” fees to study in UK universities post-Brexit. This has led to a significant reduction in the number of Cypriot university students heading to the UK. This issue is tied up in the broader relationship between the UK and the EU, which the new UK government is keen to review and revise. But finding a solution, either as part of a broader package with the EU, or bespoke for Cyprus alone, must remain a priority. I am sure my successor will make it so.
I have enjoyed my time on this jewel of an island. The climate, nature and food have been wonderful. But what I will miss most is the warmth and friendliness of the Cypriot people. It is a paradox that I have observed in many parts of the world where conflict and hatred have endured, that, at a personal and individual level, people are so friendly, warm, hospitable and generous. I hope Cypriots can be as generous and forthcoming with these qualities to each other, as they are with guests like myself. If so, Cyprus’ problems and divisions would be resolved in an instant.
*British High Commissioner to Cyprus
