Dorita Yiannakou
In a wide-ranging interview, former U.S. Secretary of State and current Executive Chairman of Impact, Mike Pompeo, spoke about the importance of Western unity, the evolving geopolitical balance in Ukraine and the Middle East, the challenge posed by China, and Cyprus’ role in an increasingly complex global landscape.
Speaking during his visit to Nicosia for the annual Economist Conference, Pompeo stressed that small countries like Cyprus must carefully navigate between competing powers, align with trusted partners, and strengthen their security and economic resilience. His remarks underscore the growing attention Washington is paying to the Eastern Mediterranean, particularly in areas of energy, defense, and regional cooperation.
1. How would you characterize the key shifts in U.S. foreign and trade policy under the new administration compared to your tenure as Secretary of State?
Pompeo:
President Trump is working hard to restore the deterrence that was lost under Joe Biden, just as we did after the failed foreign policy of the Obama years. There’s strong continuity between the first and second Trump administrations on foreign policy, and the dramatic changes now unfolding in the Middle East are part of that same course.
Our maximum pressure campaign against Iran and the elimination of Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani weakened Tehran’s ability to project power. Today, President Trump is taking that strategy to its logical conclusion—joining Israel in its 12-Day War to destroy Iran’s nuclear capabilities and resuming pressure on the regime.
We’ve also reinstated the “No Daylight” policy with Israel, which helped the country end its multi-front war against Iran’s “Ring of Fire” on its own terms. The Abraham Accords we launched in the first term paved the way for the coalition-building that led to the Gaza Peace Plan.
On trade, the president has taken a tougher line with tariffs this time, though his fundamental views haven’t changed—he’s always been clear about using tariffs as leverage to secure better deals for American workers.
2. Do you see elements of continuity in America’s strategic posture toward Europe, or are we witnessing a fundamental reorientation?
Pompeo:
The U.S. and Europe continue to share core interests and challenges, and President Trump’s policies reflect that. His “tough love” approach has actually strengthened the transatlantic relationship. For example, his insistence that NATO allies meet their defense spending commitments produced significant increases during his first term. Continuing that approach has now pushed the target to 5%, putting both sides in a stronger position to restore deterrence after Putin’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
3. How do you assess current U.S. trade policies in terms of promoting fair competition and protecting American interests in the global market?
Pompeo:
Free trade has long been central to America’s success. Our industries, farmers, and workers rely on global markets, but fair competition requires accountability. We must hold China responsible for unfair practices and insist on reciprocal arrangements that benefit both sides.
America has always thrived through engagement, not isolation. Strategic, targeted tariffs can serve U.S. interests, but removing barriers remains the ultimate goal. President Trump is a dealmaker—he always aims to secure the best possible outcomes for America, and I expect his negotiations will lead to freer, fairer global trade.
4. How would you describe the current state of transatlantic relations? Are NATO and the EU-U.S. partnership stronger or more fragmented today?
Pompeo:
Our transatlantic ties remain strong because of shared values and interests. Ironically, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine did what years of U.S. diplomacy could not—it woke Europe up to the threat next door. NATO is now more united on Russia than at any time since the Cold War. Germany has realized its dependence on Russian energy was a grave mistake, and Poland has emerged as a serious military power.
President Trump’s willingness to push allies on defense spending has made the alliance stronger, not weaker. That said, there are still issues—particularly when major European countries cozy up to Beijing or treat the Chinese Communist Party as a normal trading partner. Those choices undermine our shared security. But overall, the alliance is in better shape than many believe.
5. As the U.S. and Europe redefine their relationship, can they still guarantee peace and stability in our region—or should smaller countries like Cyprus start looking for new allies?
Pompeo:
Cyprus’ security and prosperity are best protected through strong transatlantic and European partnerships. Yes, America expects Europe to shoulder more responsibility—but that’s partnership, not abandonment. A Europe capable of defending itself makes the alliance stronger and ensures continued American engagement.
Authoritarian powers like Russia and China offer tempting short-term deals, but their “partnerships” come with strings attached. Russia’s attempts to exert influence in Cyprus are well-known, and China’s Belt and Road Initiative has proven to be a debt trap for many countries.
The West isn’t perfect, but it offers partnerships built on shared values, rule of law, and respect for sovereignty. For any country that values long-term stability, transparency, and access to global markets, the West remains the best ally.
6. Europe often speaks of “strategic autonomy.” Do you view this as a complement to or a challenge against U.S. leadership in global affairs?
Pompeo:
If “strategic autonomy” means Europe taking greater responsibility for its defense and building real military capacity—great. That’s what we’ve wanted for decades. If Europe could secure its borders without relying entirely on U.S. forces, that would be true burden-sharing.
But if “autonomy” means drifting away from the U.S. while cozying up to China, that’s a problem. When President Macron talks about Europe being “equidistant” between Washington and Beijing, that’s not independence—it’s a dangerous illusion. The real choice is between Western unity and authoritarian domination. History has shown what happens when America steps back and Europe goes it alone—and those results haven’t been good.
7. What role should the U.S. play in mediating tensions between Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, and other regional players?
Pompeo:
The U.S. has a clear interest in stability and prosperity across the Eastern Mediterranean. This is NATO’s southeastern flank, a region rich in energy potential where rivals like Russia and China are eager to expand influence.
As Secretary of State, I worked to deepen ties with Greece, Cyprus, and Israel through the 3+1 framework, while also engaging Turkey where possible. In Cyprus, that meant lifting the arms embargo, boosting energy cooperation, defending the island’s rights in its Exclusive Economic Zone, and calling out Turkish actions that raised tensions.
Turkey is a NATO ally, but its recent behavior hasn’t always reflected that. The U.S. should continue working to bring Ankara back in line with Western interests and international law. Letting these disputes linger only helps our adversaries. Regional cooperation is essential for both energy security and long-term peace.
8. With artificial intelligence and new technologies reshaping the world, how can smaller countries like Cyprus avoid being left behind?
Pompeo:
Cyprus has major advantages—its location, educated workforce, and EU membership give it a great foundation. Smaller countries can win the AI race through smart policies and partnerships, not size. Israel is a great example of that.
But Cyprus must choose its partners carefully. The tech race isn’t just about innovation—it’s about values. Buying Chinese 5G or AI systems isn’t just a tech decision; it risks sovereignty and data privacy. Cyprus should integrate with American, European, and Israeli tech ecosystems that respect democratic norms and intellectual property. Investing in STEM education and partnerships with allied universities will be key.
9. What lessons has the West learned from recent supply chain disruptions and energy crises about ensuring economic and strategic resilience?
Pompeo:
For too long, the West allowed itself to become dependent on adversaries—China for manufacturing and Russia for energy. The pandemic and the war in Ukraine exposed just how dangerous that was.
The Trump administration reversed many of those mistakes by pursuing energy independence, which gave the U.S. enormous economic and geopolitical flexibility. Europe’s heavy reliance on Russian gas and restrictive green policies have been self-defeating, both economically and strategically.
We can’t allow Beijing to control our supply chains, whether it’s semiconductors, rare earths, or pharmaceuticals. The solution is to build resilient networks with trusted partners—rare earth processing with Australia, chip manufacturing with Japan and South Korea, and energy cooperation with Israel and our Arab allies. That’s how the free world protects its economic future and its freedom.
